Wednesday, November 27, 2019

Admiral Togo Heihachiro in the Russo-Japanese War

Admiral Togo Heihachiro in the Russo-Japanese War Early Life Career of Togo Heihachiro: The son of a samurai, Togo Heihachiro was born in Kagoshima, Japan on January 27, 1848. Raised in the citys Kachiyacho district, Togo had three brothers and was educated locally. After a relatively peaceful childhood, Togo first saw military service at age fifteen when he participated in the Anglo-Satsuma War. The result of the Namamugi Incident and the murder of Charles Lennox Richardson, the brief conflict saw ships of the British Royal Navy bombard Kagoshima in August 1863. In the wake of the attack, the daimyo (lord) of Satsuma established a navy in 1864. With the creation of a fleet, Togo and two of his brothers quickly enlisted in the new navy. In January 1868, Togo was assigned to the side-wheeler Kasuga as a gunner and third-class officer. That same month, the Boshin War between supporters of the emperor and the forces of the shogunate commenced. Siding with the Imperial cause, the Satsuma navy quickly became engaged and Togo first saw action at the Battle of Awa on January 28. Remaining aboard Kasuga, Togo also took part in naval battles at Miyako and Hakodate. Following the Imperial triumph in the war, Togo was selected to study naval matters in Britain. Togo Studies Abroad: Departing for Britain in 1871 with several other young Japanese officers, Togo arrived in London where he received English language training and instruction in European customs and decorum. Detailed as a cadet to the training ship HMS Worcester at the Thames Naval College in 1872, Togo proved a gifted student who frequently engaged in fisticuffs when called Johnny Chinaman by his classmates. Graduating second in his class, he embarked as an ordinary seaman on the training ship HMS Hampshire in 1875, and circumnavigated the globe. During the voyage, Togo fell ill and his eyesight began to fail. Subjecting himself to a variety of treatments, some painful, he impressed his shipmates with his endurance and lack of complaint. Returning to London, doctors were able to save his eyesight and he began a study of mathematics with Reverend A.S. Capel in Cambridge. After traveling to Portsmouth for further schooling he then entering the Royal Naval College at Greenwich. During the course of his studies he was able to watch firsthand the construction of several Japanese warships in British shipyards. Conflicts at Home: Away during the 1877 Satsuma Rebellion, he missed the turmoil that it brought to his home region. Promoted to lieutenant on May 22, 1878, Togo returned home aboard the armored corvette Hiei (17) which had recently been completed in a British yard. Arriving in Japan, he was given command of Daini Teibo. Moving to Amagi, he closely watched Admiral Amà ©dà ©e Courbets French fleet during the 1884-1885 Franco-Chinese War and went ashore to observe French ground forces on Formosa. After rising to the rank of captain, Togo again found himself on the front lines at the start of the First Sino-Japanese War in 1894. Commanding the cruiser Naniwa, Togo sank the British-owned, Chinese-chartered transport Kowshing at the Battle of Pungdo on July 25, 1894. While the sinking nearly caused a diplomatic incident with Britain, it was within the constraints of international law and showed Togo to be a master of understanding the difficult issues that could arise in the global arena. On September 17, he led Naniwa as part of the Japanese fleet at the Battle of the Yalu. The last ship in Admiral Tsuboi Kozos line of battle, Naniwa distinguished itself and Togo was promoted to rear admiral at the wars end in 1895. Togo in the Russo-Japanese War: With the conflicts end, Togos career began to slow and he moved through various appointments such as commandant of the Naval War College and commander of the Sasebo Naval College. In 1903, Navy Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyoe stunned the Imperial Navy by appointing Togo to the post of Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Fleet, making him the nations preeminent naval leader. This decision caught the attention of Emperor Meiji who questioned the ministers judgment. With the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in 1904, Togo took the fleet to sea and defeated a Russian force off Port Arthur on February 8. As Japanese ground forces laid siege to Port Arthur, Togo maintained a tight blockade offshore. With the citys fall in January 1905, Togos fleet conducted routine operations while awaiting the arrival of the Russian Baltic Fleet which was steaming to the war zone. Led by Admiral Zinovy Rozhestvensky, the Russians encountered Togos fleet near the Straits of Tsushima on May 27, 1905. In the resulting Battle of Tsushima, Togo utterly destroyed the Russian fleet and earned the nickname the Nelson of the East from the Western media. Later Life of Togo Heihachiro: With the wars conclusion in 1905, Togo was made a Member of the British Order of Merit by King Edward VII and acclaimed around the world. Departing his fleet command, he became Chief of the Naval General Staff and served on the Supreme War Council. In recognition of his achievements, Togo was elevated to hakushaku (count) in the Japanese peerage system. Given the honorific title of fleet admiral in 1913, he was appointed to oversee the education of Prince Hirohito the following year. Acting in this role for a decade, in 1926, Togo became the only non-royal to be given the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum. An ardent opponent of the 1930 London Naval Treaty, which saw Japanese naval power given a secondary role relative to the United States and Britain, Togo was further elevated to koshaku (marquis) by now-Emperor Hirohito on May 29, 1934. The following day Togo died at age 86. Internationally respected, Great Britain, the United States, the Netherlands, France, Italy, and China all sent warships to take part in a Tokyo Bay naval parade in the late admirals honor. Selected Sources Portraits of Modern Japanese Leaders: Togo HeihachiroTogos Report of the Battle of TsushimaTime: Togo of Tsushima

Sunday, November 24, 2019

Ebonics - A Language essays

Ebonics - A Language essays Since the advent of man, he has tried to communicate with each other to get their thoughts and ideas across to the other. The earliest man used some form of communication and it was much later that scripting was invented. Today the earliest writing that has been discovered are those of the Sumerians and the Indus Valley Civilization. With increasing time and age languages became an important part of communication and many were recognized for the languages they spoke. Today there is a diversity of languages all across the globe. Arabic, Chinese, Persian, English and French are the most commonly spoken languages. In schools the national language of a country is taught and other languages are not really given any importance. However people do learn different languages and make them able to communicate with a person who speaks a different language. Native Americans had their own form of communication and when people from Europe started moving in and became dominant in America, the offici al language was chosen to be English. Blacks were brought in America in the great trans-Atlantic shift and were used as slaves. Their oppression was relieved later on and the black culture came into existence. Although they distorted English, and gave rise to new terminologies, Ebonics today are widely used all across the United States by the youth. IS EBONICS OR BLACK ENGLISH A LANGUAGE? Ebonics was a term formulated by a team of Black scholars and defined the way the descendants of the slaves talk. It is thus according to them a language spoken by the slave descendants. Language expresses identity and with Ebonics the Blacks aimed to identify themselves, their culture and heritage. Language variations are also absolutely necessary in the struggle for liberation. Ebonics forms a link between the Africans in the United States and the Africans all across the world. Many mistake Ebonics to be broken English or slang that is spoken by Black kid...

Thursday, November 21, 2019

DTP Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

DTP - Coursework Example I was of the opinion that I had not performed a proper self-analysis as required within the first assignment; but later believed that such an analysis had helped me to realize my shortcomings and strengthen my key abilities. Over the period of the course, the training and teachings have assisted in developing professional as well as personal qualities, which were initial weaknesses in the first assignment (Brockbank and McGill, 1998). The reflective study shall identify and discuss the difference that I have been able to embark upon in the duration of my course. I was of the belief that I lacked largely in terms of interacting with people from different backgrounds and developing communicative abilities so as to yield good results. Given that I had a sheer weakness in terms of shyness to approach people for conversation, the group task allowed me to interact and communicate with individuals not only from different countries and cultures, but also from diverse lines of thought. The course enabled me to overcome shyness and apprehension with conversations. Another major development experienced in the process of this course was the ability to become a good team player. Here, the aspect of ensuring that information flows were correct, group tasks were appropriately divided and also group work was done as per schedule become critical elements (Bohlander and Snell, 2004). I learnt ways to effectively meet my deadlines as well as monitor other people’s approach towards their deadlines. This strategy allowed me to ensure that the cumulative roles were on schedule and the task was attained successfully. Our success can be measured by the fact that we were the only group to have a real client as a part of the project on completion of the group assignment. The first part of the assignment was a reflective study on self through SMART objectives and SWOIT analysis, which helped towards

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) technology Essay

Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) technology - Essay Example Understanding the RFID devices and how they work is critical for analyzing privacy issues that surround this technology. The main components of an RFID system are a chip/tag, reader, and database. A reader scans the tag for data and sends the information to a database, which stores the data contained on the tag (Federal Trade Commission 1-54). In the last several years this technology has gained popularity as a way to streamline different supply chain processes in various settings such as distribution centers, retail stores, hospitals and pharmacies (Davis n.pag [a]). RFID equipment vendors have been confident on the technologys adoption, but the consumers are worried that RFID technology can bring in unknown risks and is not cost-effective enough to be installed in a supply chain network. In reality RFID tags can be read much faster than bar codes indicating that RFID’s scanning capability can result in goods moving through the supply chain much faster than they do when bar codes are used. RFID facilitate quicker, more accurate recalls by enabling the tracking of a product’s origin and its location in the distribution chain. According to a survey conducted by the Computing Technology Industry Association (CompTIA), it was found that IT resellers and vendors are all set to add RFID solutions to their portfolios. However, the major problem is from their customers who are reluctant and are slow to embrace the technology. According to the survey, 84% of resellers, solution providers, systems integrators, and consultants are prepared to offer RFID products and solutions in the next three years. About 65.6% of them said their customers are yet to implement RFID solutions. This survey also pointed out that the adoption of this technology has been challenged by equipment and tagging costs, murky and unclear return-on-investment for supply chain applications, and a workforce skills shortage. Though the

Sunday, November 17, 2019

Congressional Term Limits Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Congressional Term Limits - Essay Example Incumbents get an advantage of being re-elected again and again, after they have built their reputation. They are also benefitted by the support of their own party, in addition to groups with special interest during the election campaigns, hence giving the challengers a very tough opposition. In such cases, term limits makes sure that the elections are fair by reducing the difference between the incumbents and newcomers. Term limits also helps in generating congressional revenue. Due to easier re-election, incumbents keep the Congress away from the entrantlike, John Dingel, since 1955 have been serving forthe past fifty years as a House of Representative and is a democrat from Michigan. By forming the term limits, many incumbents are forced to give up, leaving their position vacant for the newcomers. This also improves the turnover rate within the Congress. Term limits also enables to protect Congress’s independent judgment. Providing services for a long time often result in making congressmen loyal to bureaucracy and to other colleagues. Logrolling can be one of the best examples of this act, the legislator exchange favours with one another. This includes trading votes to facilitate a particular legislature passage. This does not allow the congressmen to make separate and critical judgement about the legislature; this will put the term limits to an end. Both advantages and disadvantages run side by side. The point of apprehension is that term limits shall be an unconstitutional measure. According to article1 of constitution, none of senator or the representatives will be re-elected indefinitely. A constitutional amendment will be made along with an appropriate justification for necessity of term limit, prior to imposing congressional term limits. Term limits also tends to restrict the choices offered to the voter, which proves to be undemocratic as is it a right of every

Friday, November 15, 2019

The Rwandan Genocide: Overview

The Rwandan Genocide: Overview During the Rwandan genocide in 1994 about one million Tutsi and Hutu opposition members were slaughtered by the extremist Hutu government the Hutu, the majority ethnic group in Rwanda. Their aim was to exterminate the Tutsi, the minority ethnic group which comprised of only about 25% of the population. In order to discuss the source of the Rwandan genocide it is important to analyse the nature of the concept so that it can be applied with the aim of establishing why the genocide took place when it did and whether an ancient ethnic hatred was the origin of the Rwandan genocide. Genocide is an essentially contested concept that is hard to define. Horowitz states that is empirically ubiquitous and politically troublesome, because there are both limited and extensive classifications of the term.  [1]  The narrow interpretation of genocide states that genocide is almost always a premeditated act calculated to achieve the end of its perpetrators through mass murder.  [2]  Horowitz detects that a core principle is that genocide must be conducted with the approval of, if not direct intervention by the state apparatus as part of a political policy.  [3]  Chalk and Jonassohn go on to say that genocide is one-sided mass killing. They point out that one-sided mass killing is also essential in order to exclude from the analys[is] the casualties of war.  [4]  The broader definition of genocide according to Chalk and Jonassohn can also include the destruction of a culture without an attempt to physically destroy its bearers, which suggests that genocide i s a more common occurrence.  [5]  Consistent with this broad definition, the United Nations Convention on Genocide defined genocide as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, such as: killing member of the group. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to being about physical destruction in whole or in part; imposing measure intended to prevent births within a group; forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.  [6]  The expansiveness of the UNs definition is itself a function of the ambiguity associated with the operationalisation of this term in the international policy field. A key feature of the definitions of genocide is the decisive role the state plays in marginalizing and exterminating an ethnic, racial or religious group. For the purpose of this essay, the narrow definition i.e. one sided mass killing in which a state or other authority intends to destroy a group, will be used.  [7]  This essay argues that the Rwandan genocide was caused by a combination of political, social, economic and international factors and not solely the result of ancient ethnic hatred. It supports the views of Totten, Parsons and Charny who argue that contrary to the image conveyed by the media, there is nothing in the historical record to suggest a kind of tribal meltdown rooted in deep seated antagonisms, or longstanding atavistic hatreds.  [8]  While ethnic tensions contributed to the injustices administered to the minority groups in this devastating event, to reduce the cause of the genocide to ancient ethnic rivalry is simplistic given the historical and contem porary evidence on the subject. Historical events such as colonialism and the civil war created long lasting ethnic tensions. The conflict may not have followed had political and socio-economic circumstances not been exacerbated through the use of propaganda and the ethnic rivalry concocted during colonialism. Ethnic tensions were clearly rooted in colonialism. According to Horowitz One of the fundamental characteristics of nineteenth century European imperialism was its systematic destruction of communities outside the mother country.  [9]  Rwanda had been a German and Belgium colony. The Germans saw the Tutsi as the more superior race, different from the majority of common and savage negroes, because their physical features when compared to the Hutus appeared to bear more resemblance to European features, therefore they were born rulers.  [10]  As a result they were educated and given jobs in the military and public administration while the Hutus were relegated to menial tasks. This created resentment towards the Tutsis among the Hutu which was further exacerbated when Rwanda became a Belgian colony. Under Belgian imperial rule the Tutsis and Hutus were all given identity cards indicating which ethnic group they belonged to. The strict classification system further heightened the distinction between the two groups and the construction of these separate identities in conjunction with propaganda methods became a main part in inciting ethnic hatred. Mamdani observes that these identities were the fault lines along which political violence exploded. The violence started with colonial pacification which took on genocidal proportions.  [11]  This also supports the claim that the Rwandan genocide was partly rooted in colonialism. The combination of resentment and the segregation between Tutsi and Hutu contributed significantly to the ethnic tension that existed during the Hutu governments rule. However the development of ethnic tension during the colonial years did not necessarily have to lead to genocide. In addition to the ethic divisions created during colonialism, propaganda in the post-independence period further aggravated ethnic tensions. The Tutsi were portrayed as foreigners in Rwanda by the Hutu government through a successful propaganda campaign. Melvern explains that according to the Hutu the Tutsi were proud, arrogant, tricky and untrustworthy, describing them as aliens, and cockroaches.  [12]  The Hutu regime created a stereotype using specific language on national radio broadcasts (e.g. Radio Tà ©là ©vision Libre des Mille Collines) and in printed media which the Hutu extremists used to incite ethnic hatred. Totten, Parsons and Charny note that through the use of language the enemy was demonised, [and] made the incarnation of evil, which dehumanised the Tutsi and contributed to the willingness of numerous Hutus to participate in genocide.  [13]  In direct contrast with the Tutsi the Hutu people were depicted as modest, honest, loyal, independent and impulsive.à ‚  [14]  In doing this the Hutu government created collective memories from colonialism that historically the Hutu had always been enslaved and mistreated by the Tutsi and their foreign allies. This validated the Hutu extremist policies and violence but also created resentment which was intended to fuel the already festering hatred. Again, we see that as in the colonial era, the political system and the ideology on which it is based contributed significantly to conflict in the society. Though ethnic tensions existed, these influences contributed to climax of ethnic hatred in 1994. The portrayal of Tutsi people as outsiders was restricted to the 1990s and was based on political manipulation showing that the tension was not based on ancient Rwandan history but instead it had been stage-managed. Exaggerating the differences between the Hutu and the Tutsi through political propaganda can be viewed as part of the reason why the genocide took place in 1994 and not before. It is therefore apparent that the Rwandan genocide was not mainly caused by ancient ethnic hatred but instead by the aim to amplify ethnic tension during the 1990s. It is worth noting that the Tutsi and Hutu had coexisted peacefully for years despite having had a historical background rife with ethnic tension. Mills and Brunner maintain that for centuries they have spoken the same language, lived on the same hillsides, and intermarried to such an extent that the physical characteristics stereotypically attributed to each tall, thin, lighter skinned for the Tutsi; short, stocky and darker skinned for the Hutu are often blurred.  [15]  This shows that the Rwanda genocide was not caused but ethnic hatred as there would need to be evidence of serious ethnic disputes prior to 1994. Also because the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups were intertwined one has to question whether ethnicity was the only grounds for extermination. The Hutu government emphasised ethnicity. However opposition to the Hutu extremist government and Tutsi sympathisers were also massacred along with the Tutsi. The division is debatably not in fact ethnic although that is how it w as portrayed. Rather it is more likely to have been based on class and occupational lines as this was the case before colonisation. This reveals that there must have been another explanation for the genocide other than ethnic hatred. The true motivation behind the Rwanda genocide was in fact fear. One of the reasons why genocide took place when it did is because the Hutu government feared a Tutsi invasion from neighbouring Burundi and Uganda. Shelton agrees with this argument pointing out that the Hutu government called for the extermination of the Tutsi fearing the loss of its power in the face of a democracy movement and a civil war.  [16]  The RPF (Rwanda Patriotic Front) consisted of Tutsi refugees in exile that had formed in Uganda following the expulsion of thousands of Tutsi in 1959 in opposition to the Hutu extremist government. Since the October 1990 invasion by the RPF into Rwanda the Hutu extremists feared another attack and as a result their ethnic policies became more extreme. The Hutu extremists saw the Tutsi in Rwanda as an internal threat which they associated with an external enemy, the RPF. The Hutu government nationalised the fear of this internal threat by instilling it in the Hutu populat ion using propaganda. Uvins view supports this position stating that they successfully sought to spread ethnic fear throughout society, to organise and legitimise the forces of violence and genocide and to desensitise people to violence.  [17]  In the context of civil war although ethnic tensions are central to the conflict it is clear that the origins of the Rwandan genocides does not lie in ancient ethnic hatred but extensively in fear. This fear was intended to mobilise the masses and it can therefore be said that the spread of fear among the population was an important cause of the Rwandan genocide because it put pressure severe pressure on ethnic divides. Ethnicity was allegedly what the Hutu government claimed to be the basis of their aim to create a truly Rwandan state where Rwanda belonged to the Hutu.  [18]  In order to achieve this state a social revolution, was necessary which involved purging the state of outsiders, the Tutsi  [19]  . The Tutsi were seen as being ancestrally from North Africa and on this basis they were to be excluded from the creation of a true Rwandan state. It was this exclusion as well as the fear of Tutsi rule that motivated the extremist Hutu government and their radical propaganda policy. Melvern observes that when the first political parties were formed, they were created along strict ethnic lines, in line with ideological principles.  [20]  This development of ideology adds to this set of ideas that can be used for both internal and external legitimisation, which with the support of the church as well as the international community further justified the Hutu governments actions despite the radical nature of their policies  [21]  . It is clear that when examining the Hutu government their policies on ethnic hatred were not entirely based on an ancient feud as ethnic distinctions did not exist in early Rwandan history, but instead were largely embedded in extreme ideology that ironically this did not represent the majority Hutu opinion. Instead the combination of fear and the aim to create the ideal Hutu state escalated ethnic hatred. As well as the civil war other significant events widened the divide between the Tutsi and the Hutu. Rwanda was a recently independent fragile state and domestic affairs were put under pressure by the 1990 rural crisis which damaged the agriculturally based Rwandan economy. Uvin highlights that this decline is a result of a combination of factors, conjunctural and structural: a set of drought s in the middle of the late 1980s; the effects of erosion, land degradation and poverty.  [22]  Additionally the dramatic fall in the price of coffee, a major export intensified the pressure on the Hutu government because it greatly reduced the earnings of the Rwandan state.  [23]  As a result of this the Rwandan government had to ask the IMF for a state loan which increased the pressure the Rwandan government experienced in a rapidly declining economy. The Hutu extremist government were able to use this as part of the propaganda ploy to blame the Tutsi and label them economic exploiters , thus further contributing to ethnic resentment and hatred. These internal pressures show how the creation of ethnic hatred was a multifaceted strategy and not solely the result of ancient tensions. The Rwandan genocide was also caused by the build up of ethnic hatred in the context of civil war. The assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana was a turning point in that it served as the spark that set the plans for genocide in motion.  [24]  The Hutu government used this event to propel the masses into action. They accused the Tutsi RPF of assassinating the president because he resisted signing the Arusha Accord, the Rwandan peace agreement. Although this event triggered the genocide it was far from being a spontaneous popular uprising.  [25]  According to Shelton the 1994 genocide had been carefully planned and coordinated by a small group of government and military officials who used the administrative structure and coercive force of the state to invigorate the genocide and extend it across the country.  [26]  This highlights the fact that the origin of the Rwandan genocide was not merely rooted in ancient hatred but was made possible by contemporary government policies which resurrected and reconstructed old ethnic tensions. In conclusion it is clear that from the arguments set forth, the Rwandan genocide was not merely caused by ancient ethnic hatred but instead was caused by an amalgamation of events and policies. The propaganda used to incite fear was instrumental in creating an environment that turned the Hutu and Tutsi against each other, thus allowing the 1994 Rwanda genocide to take place. Mamdani supports this view and comments that Violence has been motivated by a mutual fear of victimhood.  [27]  The complex combination of imperial ethnic division aggravated by propaganda in the context of a civil war and RPF threat as well as economic pressure all came together to create a society and environment that allowed for and committed genocide. Mills and Brunner explain that there is no such thing as a simple tribal meltdown not anywhere, and that the view that the Rwandan genocide was prompted by ancient ethnic hatred does not explain why it took place when it did.  [28]  Although ethnicity w as an important contributing component of the Rwandan genocide it was not the only definitive factor. It is therefore a limited view to claim that the Rwanda genocide was rooted in ancient ethnic hatred when it is clear that the issues involved were significantly more complicated.

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

The 3 Models of Criminal Justice

Compare the three models of the criminal justice process (the Wedding Cake, the Funnel and the Net Models) The criminal justice process is very complex process and varies from state to state. Three models of the criminal justice process as discussed and reviewed in chapter 9 of out textbook are the funnel, wedding and net. (Meyer, Grant 2003) In this essay I will compare these three models of the criminal justice process and give my opinion on which model I think best describes the criminal justice system as it is today.I will also give you a rationale for the choice that I choose. The first model I will discuss is the funnel model. This model looks at how decisions are made at each level in the criminal justice process and sort out those people and cases that it feels should not go through the entire process from those whom it feels should. This process is used as a means of limiting the number cases to a small percentage of cases that have to be resolved by trial advocacy and incar ceration. The process limits the amount of offenders in court and incarcerated at any given time.The benefit of this model is it prevents the criminal justice system from becoming backed up. The truth is the criminal Justice system is already backed up, and crimes are increasing on a daily basis. A common misconception of the funnel process is that it â€Å"lets criminals off,† however this is not true. Most cases are often dismissed or pleas are bargained due to lack of evidence. The truth is that there is not enough money, to prosecute every crime. It is up to the State (States attorney), or The Attorney general which crimes are worth prosecuting, and which one’s need to be thrown out, or plea bargained.The Next model that I will discuss is the wedding cake model; it is referred to as a wedding cake because with this model criminal justice officials decide how to deal with cases according to their informal discretionary definition of â€Å"seriousness. † This model was developed by Samuel Walker, a scholar who analyzed the judicial system. This model divides the criminal justice system up into four different categories: celebrated cases, serious felonies, lesser felonies and misdemeanors this model looks at the seriousness of the charge, the past criminal record of the offender, as well as the relationship of the victim to the offender. At the very top of the cake, the smallest layer represents famous (or rather, infamous) cases that attract a lot of publicity and, unfortunately, often contribute to public misinformation about the criminal justice. † (Meyer, Grant 2003) Lastly I will discuss the nets model. This model allows some offenders to exit the system and go free at certain stages during the criminal justice process; whereas some criminal struggle unsuccessfully to get free and often end up further entangle in the system.This model is designed to give the police desecration to use some criminals as informants to assist them in catching the ring leader. This model is also used as a plea bargaining tool whereas defendants with little information to trade with the prosecutor may get less attractive plea deals than their accomplices in crime that have more knowledge with which to bargain ((Meyer, Grant 2003). This model has become more familiar to me as I was growing up, in Chicago, IL. I knew several guys who would go out and commit crimes together, and brag about it.They would eventually get caught, and end up telling on each other to get lesser time. They also tell about other crimes, to save their skins. I guess it’s a great model to use to get the big guy, or big fish, but I do not agree to turn a blind eye to crime, whether it’s small or big. In my opinion the model I think best describes today’s criminal justice system is the wedding cake model. Much like this model in today’s criminal justice system is broken down into layers. With the first being celebrated cases or cas e that receive much media attention.Than in today’s system we look serious felonies these are cases where bail maybe revoked. The third layer of the cake in this model is lesser felonies’ often in these cases pleas are taken. The final layer is misdemeanor cases. This model gives us a basic understanding of cases is categorized today. Reference The Wedding Cake Model Theory of Criminal Justice; Copyright  © 1999-2011Demand Media, Inc. ; By. Mike Broemmel; retrieved fromwww. howe. com The Courts in Our CriminalJustice System, by Jon’a F. Meyer and Diana R. Grant.Published by Prentice-Hall. Copyright  © 2003 by Pearson Education, Inc Reference the Wedding Cake Model Theory of Criminal Justice; Copyright  © 1999-2011Demand Media, Inc. ; By. Mike Broemmel; retrieved fromwww. howe. comThe Courts in Our Criminal Justice System, by Jon’a F. Meyer and Diana R. Grant. Published by Prentice-Hall. Copyright  © 2003 by Pearson Education, Inc. The Courts in Ou r Criminal Justice System, by Jon’s F. Meyer and Diana R. Grant. Published by Prentice-Hall. Copyright  © 2003 by Pearson Education, Inc.

Sunday, November 10, 2019

Dbq-Early Valley Civilizations Essay

DBQ-early valley civilizations essay Throughout history, civilizations have contributed to the cultural and intellectual life of humanity. These civilizations had developed about 5000 years ago. These civilizations had been defined as based on agriculture and urban settlements. At that period had been developed many cultural and intellectual achievements, but also stable government and a strong economy. The ancient River Valley civilizations of Egypt and Mesopotamia all made key contributions to future societies.For thousands of years, people all over the world have developed, progressed, and eventually formed civilizations. The area between the Tigris and Euphrates River was called Fertile Crescent because its rich soil and crescent shape (document 1). This region was where Mesopotamia one of the first civilization on earth grew. Sumer was an ancient civilization in Mesopotamia they created cuneiforms. Cuneiforms were the world’s first written language; Sumerians invented thi s writing system to keep track of business dealing (document 2).Mesopotamia developed between the Euphrates and Tigris River. Geographically, Mesopotamia occurred near major rivers since water was easily available and agriculture flourished. The most important invention that was created in the ancient times by Sumer in Mesopotamia was the wheel . it had a major impact in the world because it makes it easier for people to get to places faster and without the wheel the world would not have been the same. Egypt civilization was located in northeast Africa near on the border of the Nile River.Hieroglyphics was a system of writing that was based on pictures; it was created by the Egyptians to keep the records (document 6). pharaoh was the name of the king or god king of Egypt. Pharaoh built pyramids to serve as houses or tombs and specialized skill such as mathematics, geometry, engineering and architecture were need to built the pyramids (document 5). Life in ancient Egypt was centered largely on agriculture. The majority of the people were involved in farming. Wheat, fruits and vegetables were the principal crops.The Nile River helped irrigate the crops and made the soil fertile for good farming; people depended on the Nile for food and water (document 4). Egypt contributed many things in the world, such as their efforts in astronomy, medicine, writing, mathematics and architecture. In conclusion, the ancient River Valley civilizations Egypt and Mesopotamia did have many key contributions that helped expand future societies. Egypt and Mesopotamia were two civilizations that contributed to the expansion of trade, civilization, government, and political and social status.

Friday, November 8, 2019

Mary Todd Lincoln essays

Mary Todd Lincoln essays Baker, Jean H., Mary Todd Lincoln, A biography; New York: W. W. Norton Jean H. Baker graduated with a B.A. from Goucher College in 1961, received a masters from John Hopkins University in 1965 and a Ph.D. in 1971. She was the assistant professor of history at Goucher College from 1972-1976, associate professor of history at Goucher College from 1976-1981 and is presently the professor of history at the same college. Ms. Baker has written several books including The Stevensons of Illinois 1976, Mary Todd Lincoln 1987, and Affair of Party 1982. She is currently working on a revision of Civil War and Reconstruction with David Donald and Michael Holt. Source: www.goucher.edu/history/department/baker.html For all interested persons to understand the justification and reasoning behind the alleged lunacy of Mary Todd Lincoln. Mary Ann Todd was born in Lexington, Kentucky on December 13, 1818 to Eliza and Robert Todd, a rather prominent family. She had six siblings. Her mother died when Mary Ann was only six years old. Many women died in this era due to complications of birth and incurable diseases. Mary Todds father, Robert, remarried shortly after his first wifes death. Mary Todd never had a comfortable or loving relationship with her stepmother, Betsy. Betsy was often critical of Mary Todd and also shamed her in public. Mary Todd was sent to a boarding school for girls and excelled in her studies even though it was not common or acceptable for young ladies to continue with schooling after a certain age. Mary was fluent in French and was very excited and interested in political issues. In 1839, Mary Todd met and began a relationship with Abraham Lincoln. Abraham was not of her status, but she had a feeling that he would take her to the White House one day. They ...

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

Assassination essays

Assassination essays Today, in the early afternoon, the heir to the Austrian throne, Archduke Franz Ferdianand and his wife were assassinated. The culprit, a young man named Cavrilo Princip has been captured by authorities. Last night, Archduke Franz Ferdianand, heir to the Austrian throne, prepared for his visit to Sarajevo, capital of Bosnia. The visit to Sarajevo was going against the strongest advice of his superiors, mostly because, today, June 28, 1914, is a Serbian national holiday. They gave him this advice because Austrian nationalists viewed his visit as an unwelcome reminder of the occupation of Austria. The Archduke had been warned about a planned assassination attempt against himself, but he would not be deterred. This morning before he left to go to the city, he watched army maneuvers, which he hoped would better prepare him for any emergency that presented itself later in the day. We followed the Archdukes six-car cavalcade on its well-publicized route towards the city. As we approached the city, a small bomb was hurled by one of the so-called assassins. As the bomb landed it exploded, injuring one of the drivers, who was later hospitalized for his injuries. The brave Archduke finally awoke to how serious the situation was and finally took some precautions. He changed both the routes and times of the future ceremonies. He found a replacement driver, but the driver was never informed of the changes. When the cavalcade departed, all of the cars drove off except for the one carrying the Archduke. The unfortunate incident happened when the driver went to reverse he backed into one of the assassins. Cavrilo Princip slowly and calmly stepped onto the cars side running boards and shot the Archduke and the Archduchess pointblank. Princip was captured by the authorities and will be put on trial at a later date. ...

Sunday, November 3, 2019

Critical review of benefit estimation and sensitivity and risk Literature

Critical of benefit estimation and sensitivity and risk analysis in relation to road projects - Literature review Example Financial benefits cover only monetary benefits while economic benefits cover both financial and non-financial. Economic benefits are also called social benefits. In general, one can assert that that there are no big issues with regard to monetary benefits estimation. However, estimation of economic benefits can be problematic. Estimation of economic benefits can be described as valuation. A distinct approach to valuation of projects and initiatives is one by Musgrave and Musgrave (1989, p. 137-143). In Musgrave and Musgrave’s approach, the value of projects and initiatives can be assessed based on gross benefits and costs. Based on gross benefits and costs, some of the fundamental measures that can be used to assess the value of a project or initiative can be the present value of net benefits, benefit-cost ratio, and internal rate of return. Other supplementary measures that can be used are measures such as the payback period. Lately, however, the World Bank has been reported to be shying away from these measures and have emphasized instead on the need to focus on objectives, particularly in defining and justifying objectives, and pointing out that a project or initiative is the least cost way of attaining the objectives (McElhinny 2010, p. 1). Nevertheless, economic benefit-cost analysis is still widely used by many countries of Europe (Odgaard et al. 2005, p. 18). Government agencies of the United States still use cost-benefit or benefit-cost analyses (Federal Emergency Management Agency 2006). Project proponents of the Asian Development Bank continue to use cost-benefit analysis to highlight the merit or lack of merit of a proposed project or activity (Infrastructure Professionals Enterprise Private Limited and Tamil Nadu Urban Infrastructure Financial Services Limited 2009, p. 21-27). In the United Kingdom, however, His Majesty’s Treasury (2005, p. 47) expressed a preference for cost effectiveness analysis (CEA) in which the objectives may be qualitative targets vis-a-vis the emphasis of cost-benefit or benefit-cost analysis on monetized values. An approach to appraisal that emphasizes on objectives like the CEA is the 2007 Asian Development Bank interim guidelines for enhancing poverty reduction impact of road construction projects (Kafle 2007). Musgrave and Musgrave (1989, p. 137-143) pointed out that benefits and costs can be real or pecuniary, direct or indirect, tangible or intangible, and inside or outside. Economic benefit assessments consider on real benefits and costs. Further, what differentiates economic from financial valuation is the inclusion of intangibles in the former while the latter consider only items that are tangible or those that have immediate monetary values in the market. The approach of Musgrave and Musgrave (1989) differs in a major way from the perspective of Stiglitz (2000) on economic valuation. Like Stiglitz, Musgrave and Musgrave attempt to assign or provide monetary estimates on intangi bles. However, unlike Stiglitz, Musgrave and Musgrave concede that there intangibles in which assignment or estimation of monetary values are inappropriate (1989, p. 140) and points that the political process can make the decision on the provision of the good or execution of the initiative. In contrast, the perspective of Stiglitz (2000, p. 274) insists that values should be monetized. The Stiglitz framework is clear based on how he defined economic valuation, which is â€Å"developing systematic ways of analyzing costs and benefits when

Friday, November 1, 2019

Ferrari trategic Management Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words

Ferrari trategic Management - Case Study Example Ferrari i known and i highly valued everywhere in the world. From the U to Japan, from Germany and witzerland to India, to France, Autralia, New Zealand, Ruia, Brazil and Argentina. The term 'Contructor' applie in F1 for a corporate or any well-organized body which contruct the car, engine or chai. The contructor of an engine or chai own the intellectual right to it. (Porter, 1985, 44) The title of Formula 1 World Champion Contructor i given to the car that ha drawn the mot point during the coure of the eaon. A car' engine and chai, both are taken into account while deciding on it point. If a car' chai and engine contructor i the ame, the title imply goe to that contructor. But, if the maker of the chai and engine are different, the title i given jointly, like Ferrari-Honda, Renault-Mercede etc. The name of the chai contructor come before that of the engine contructor. The term 'contructor' and 'entrant' have different and pecific meaning. An entrant i the peron or corporate entity that regiter a car and driver for a race eaon. Thereafter the reponibility of preparing and maintaining that car during the race weekend lie with them. The term 'team' i uually applied to an entrant organization. The 1970 were the lat decade Ferrari entered a a work effort in port car racing. After an uninpired performance in the 1973 F1 World Championhip, Enzo Ferrari topped all development of port car in prototype and GT racing at the end of the year, although, Enzo planned to pull out of F1, that year which wa the year of the lat "official" Targa Florio road race Enzo regarded a more important to him. After three poor year, Ferrari igned Niki Lauda in 1974, and made the momentou deciion to pull out of portcar racing to concentrate upon F1. However, poor reliability with the 312B3 kept them from taking victory that year. The new Ferrari 312T, developed fully with Niki Lauda, introduced in 1975 brought Ferrari back to winning way. Niki taking the driver' crown and Ferrari the contructor'. (Mazzucato, 2002, 55-88) In 1976 Lauda crahed at the German Grand Prix. Carlo Reutemann wa hired a a replacement, o with Clay Regazzoni driving the other car, Ferrari had to run three car in the 1976 Italian Grand Prix when Lauda returned unexpectedly oon (only 6 week after hi accident). Lauda cored point, but retired from the lat race in Japan in heavy rain, thu allowing Jame Hunt to take the title by jut a ingle point. In 1977 Lauda, having come back from hi near fatal crah the previou year, took the title again for Ferrari (and the team won the cotrucutor' championhip), overcoming hi more fancied, and favoured, team mate. Hi relation with the team, epecially the team manager Mauro Forghieri continued to deteriorate, and he decided finally to leave for Brabham. (Mazzucato, 2002, 55-88) In 1978, Ferrari raced with Carlo Reutemann and Gille Villeneuve, and while they managed to produce a olid car it, like everyone that year, wa outclaed by the ground effect Lotu 79. (Mazzucato, 2002, 55-88) Jody checkter replacing the Lotu bound Argentinian in 1979, took the title, upported by Gille Villeneuve (who dutifully followed the outh